A boundary nobody could locate produced two land offices with opposite instructions. What grew up behind them was a county with two halves, and a century later the people in the eastern half asked to be a county of their own.

A boundary nobody could locate

The 1688 charter that created the Northern Neck proprietary gave its holder the land between the Potomac and the Rappahannock, running back to the first heads or springs of those two rivers. Hofstra's difficulty is stated plainly: "the problem was that no one knew where these rivers headed." The colony, urged by Governor William Gooch, held that both rivers rose at the Blue Ridge. Robert Carter, acting for Lord Fairfax, held that the Potomac rose deep in the Appalachians. "At stake were three and one-quarter million acres."

Two land offices, opposite instructions

Neither side waited for the question to be settled. Both granted land, and they granted it on terms designed to do different things. The colony wanted the Valley filled quickly, as a buffer, and it granted to small farmers recruited out of Europe and the middle colonies on a condition: one family settled per thousand acres. Gooch and the Council gave Larkin and Thomas Chew 26,000 acres near the forks of the Shenandoah on June 13, 1728, and a further 240,000 acres inside three years. Carter granted for the opposite reason. On September 22, 1730 he gave more than 50,000 acres to his own sons and grandsons, and more than 11,000 to his son-in-law Mann Page the day after. Of those grants Hofstra writes that Carter "imposed no settlement requirements on his heirs and made it easy for them to keep their land idle by rarely collecting quitrents." The result he states directly: "In this way Gooch's policies worked to ensure that where the colony controlled the Valley it would be peopled rapidly by non-Virginians of diverse religious and national backgrounds." When the sixth Lord Fairfax arrived in 1734 he "formalized the dual pattern of settlement Gooch and Carter had set up."

The line the land offices drew

Twenty years of that produced a visible edge, and Hofstra puts it at the Opequon. Writing of the early 1750s, when Fairfax opened his own land office in the Valley: "little limestone land west of the Opequon remained to be settled. But to the east the land lay practically deserted." The reason is in the terms. West of the creek, land had been granted to people required to live on it. East of it, land had been granted to a family with no such requirement and no pressure to sell. Carter's 50,212 acres were divided among eight heirs in 1740, into tracts of between 3,528 and 8,365 acres; Mann Page's went to Ralph Wormeley in 1748. On his account the difference is not that nobody wanted the eastern land, but that the family holding it was never required to settle it. His word for it is "deserted," and he uses it for how little of that land had been taken up and improved under the proprietary's terms. It is a statement about landholding, and neither he nor this page says that no one lived there.

What filled the eastern half

What eventually came east across the Opequon was not more small farms. It was the Tidewater, moving inland. Hofstra names the men: "Robert Carter, John Page, Nathaniel Burwell, and Hugh Nelson all operated quarters in the Valley during the 1770s and 1780s." Through them, he writes, they introduced to east Frederick "such Tidewater characteristics as tobacco, slavery, overseers, and large-scale commercial agriculture." A quarter, on his account, was about ten enslaved people, an overseer, and between five hundred and a thousand acres. They built accordingly. Hofstra names five houses: Nathaniel Burwell’s Carter Hall, Robert Carter Burwell’s Long Branch, Matthew Page’s Annfield, John Page’s Pagebrook and Warner Washington’s Fairfield. Of Carter Hall he says it was "a direct reference to the country houses of the English aristocracy," which is a claim about what the house was for as much as what it looked like. The same pages count what the houses stood on. Burwell held close to eight thousand acres and more than two hundred enslaved people; John Page nearly twenty-three hundred acres and fifty-three; Matthew Page nearly the same acreage and forty-three. For the other two owners the table gives no figure at all, and a blank is not a zero. By 1789, when Old Chapel was reorganized as the Episcopal church, it "came to dominate all religious life east of the Opequon." The institutional line had arrived at the same creek as the settlement line.

Nor do I m[e]an to prove the correctness of his quotations from the speeches of that statesman, or diminish their force by repeating the taunts of poverty thrown out against the inhabitants of this district by their wealthy brethren a[]long the Shenandoah.
Winchester Virginia Republican, Winchester, Va., 29 March 1834, page 2, Winchester Virginia Republican · Page 2, unsigned piece headed FOR THE REPUBLICAN, against divisionShort excerpt from existing text, not a facsimile.

Two words that are not in these pages

Clarke County writing has long described this difference as one between Tuckahoes and Cohees. Neither word appears anywhere on the thirteen pages held here. Hofstra's vocabulary is west Frederick and east Frederick, New Virginia and Old Virginia, Pennsylvania and Tidewater. The oldest contemporary use in these thirteen pages is James Kirke Paulding's, published in 1817 of an excursion the year before: the people west of the mountain "call those east of the mountain Tuckahoes, and their country Old Virginia. They themselves are the Cohees, and their country New Virginia." Two things about that. Paulding draws his line at the Blue Ridge, not at the Opequon. And he adds, of the two words, "The origin of these Indian phrases, I am not able to trace." A settlement line at the Opequon and a naming custom at the Blue Ridge are different things, and this page keeps them apart.

1834, in the participants' own words

A petition to divide Frederick County was before the House of Delegates on December 30, 1833, presented by Mr. Gallaher. Three months later, on March 29, 1834, the Winchester Virginia Republican carried three signed pieces on the division on a single page, printed just before an election. One, signed OLD FREDERICK, counted the cost in representation: "Lop off Battletown county and she must have one of our three delegates." In contemporary print, the county being proposed was Battletown. A second attacked a writer who had signed himself "Cohee" in the rival Virginian, and printed the word without explaining it. The third is the line worth stopping on. Arguing against division, its author declines to repeat "the taunts of poverty thrown out against the inhabitants of this district by their wealthy brethren a[]long the Shenandoah." He will not repeat them, and in refusing he records that they were made. The Shenandoah bottomland is where the Burwell, Page and Nelson estates sat.

What the sources reach, and what they do not

The people arguing in 1834 wrote about courthouse distance, roads, floods, representation, precedent, taxes and who would pay for the poor. Those are the reasons on the record, in their own hands, weeks before an election. Hofstra's account reaches past them: he writes that it was "not simply an increase in population or just the proximity of the courthouse" that prompted the petition, and attributes the movement to a divergence laid down a century earlier. That is a reading of causes, not a correction of the participants, and the two sit at different depths rather than in conflict. Every sentence in which he states it points forward to a chapter that was not available here, so what he argues from is a question this page leaves open.

About the evidenceWhat the evidence says
What the evidence says

A settlement history drawn from one historian, set beside the printed arguments of the people who asked for the county.

The eighteenth-century account is Warren Hofstra's, in A Separate Place, and it is his reading of the land records rather than the records themselves: no deed, patent, rent roll or census page was inspected here, and the chapter in which he argues the 1836 division was not among the pages available. The 1834 material is different in kind, being the participants' own printed words in the Winchester Virginia Republican, read as uncorrected Library of Congress text. The two describe the same county from a century apart, and this page sets them beside each other rather than resolving one into the other.

  • An account exists✓ Supported by a source

    Hofstra places the settlement line at the Opequon: when Fairfax opened his Valley land office in the early 1750s, he writes, little limestone land west of the Opequon remained to be settled, but to the east the land lay practically deserted.

    See the evidence
    ✓ Supported by a sourceAn account exists

    Hofstra places the settlement line at the Opequon: when Fairfax opened his Valley land office in the early 1750s, he writes, little limestone land west of the Opequon remained to be settled, but to the east the land lay practically deserted.

    What the source supports

    That the east-west line this project had previously found only in later local writing is Hofstra's, stated in his own words about settlement and landholding.

    Uncertainty

    A settlement and landholding line, not an ethnic or cultural one. Neither Tuckahoe nor Cohee appears on any of the thirteen supplied pages, and this claim must not be read as putting that vocabulary at the Opequon. Hofstra’s terms are west Frederick and east Frederick. "Practically deserted" is Hofstra's characterization of how little eastern land had been taken up under the proprietary's terms. It is a statement about landholding and settlement, not a census: nothing here establishes who was or was not living east of the Opequon. No land office record, survey or patent was inspected by this project, and the note attached to this passage was not supplied.

    Source

    Later historical account

    Evidence role: supports. The Opequon sentence, which is the finding the project had been waiting for.

    Warren R. Hofstra, A Separate Place: The Formation of Clarke County, Virginia (Madison House, 1999; originally published 1986), pages 1-17

    Warren R. Hofstra · 1999 (publication)

    Locator: Page 9, the land on either side of the Opequon in the early 1750s

    Relevant passage
    little limestone land west of the Opequon remained to be settled. But to the east the land lay practically deserted.

    Checked: Page text reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: hofstra-separate-place. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    AI-assisted source check · 2026-09-12. How this project checks its sources

  • An account exists✓ Supported by a source

    Hofstra writes that Robert Carter, John Page, Nathaniel Burwell and Hugh Nelson all operated quarters in the Valley during the 1770s and 1780s, and that through them they introduced to east Frederick such Tidewater characteristics as tobacco, slavery, overseers and large-scale commercial agriculture.

    See the evidence
    ✓ Supported by a sourceAn account exists

    Hofstra writes that Robert Carter, John Page, Nathaniel Burwell and Hugh Nelson all operated quarters in the Valley during the 1770s and 1780s, and that through them they introduced to east Frederick such Tidewater characteristics as tobacco, slavery, overseers and large-scale commercial agriculture.

    What the source supports

    The named mechanism by which slavery and plantation agriculture came to the part of Frederick County that later became Clarke.

    Uncertainty

    Hofstra's sentence, on page 11. The supporting notes 19 to 24 fall on supplied pages by number but their text was not supplied, so what he relied on is not known here. No census page, tax list or estate record was inspected by this project.

    Source

    Later historical account

    Evidence role: supports. The quarters sentence: who operated them and when.

    Warren R. Hofstra, A Separate Place: The Formation of Clarke County, Virginia (Madison House, 1999; originally published 1986), pages 1-17

    Warren R. Hofstra · 1999 (publication)

    Locator: Page 11, the quarters in east Frederick, first sentence

    Relevant passage
    Robert Carter, John Page, Nathaniel Burwell, and Hugh Nelson all operated quarters in the Valley during the 1770s and 1780s.

    Checked: Page text reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: hofstra-separate-place. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    Later historical account

    Evidence role: supports. The second half of the same passage, split from the first because the whole ran to 307 characters and the declared-delta controls cap a quotation from an in-copyright source at 300. Split at the sentence break rather than trimmed, so neither half is a shortened quotation.

    Warren R. Hofstra, A Separate Place: The Formation of Clarke County, Virginia (Madison House, 1999; originally published 1986), pages 1-17

    Warren R. Hofstra · 1999 (publication)

    Locator: Page 11, the quarters in east Frederick, second sentence

    Relevant passage
    Through them they introduced to the Valley, and specifically to east Frederick, such Tidewater characteristics as tobacco, slavery, overseers, and large-scale commercial agriculture.

    Checked: Page text reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: hofstra-separate-place. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    AI-assisted source check · 2026-09-12. How this project checks its sources

  • An account exists✓ Supported by a source

    The Winchester Virginia Republican of March 29, 1834 carried signed pieces arguing the division, printed immediately before an election. One opponent declined to repeat the taunts of poverty thrown out against the inhabitants of this district by their wealthy brethren along the Shenandoah; another, signing OLD FREDERICK, wrote of lopping off Battletown county and losing a delegate with it; and a third attacked a writer who had signed himself Cohee in the rival Virginian, printing the word without explaining it.

    See the evidence
    ✓ Supported by a sourceAn account exists

    The Winchester Virginia Republican of March 29, 1834 carried signed pieces arguing the division, printed immediately before an election. One opponent declined to repeat the taunts of poverty thrown out against the inhabitants of this district by their wealthy brethren along the Shenandoah; another, signing OLD FREDERICK, wrote of lopping off Battletown county and losing a delegate with it; and a third attacked a writer who had signed himself Cohee in the rival Virginian, printing the word without explaining it.

    What the source supports

    Three things at once, in contemporary print: that a wealth antagonism between eastern and western Frederick was current enough to be alluded to rather than explained; that the prospective county was called Battletown; and that Cohee was in use as a signature in the 1834 Frederick County dispute.

    Uncertainty

    Advocates' pieces before an election, not neutral reporting, and read as OCR with square brackets marking normalization. The writer who mentions the taunts declines to repeat them, so their wording is not established. Cohee here is one writer's chosen signature in a political fight. That it is printed without explanation establishes that the paper did not explain it, not that its readers understood it: audience comprehension is not evidenced by an absence. Nothing on this page sorts a population into Tuckahoes and Cohees or gives the label the ethnic content later writers give it, and the piece signed Cohee appeared in the Virginian, which this project has not read. Tuckahoe does not appear on the page.

    Source

    Contemporary report

    Evidence role: supports. The taunts of poverty, attested by an opponent declining to repeat them.

    Winchester Virginia Republican, Winchester, Va., 29 March 1834, page 2

    Winchester Virginia Republican · 1834-03-29 (publication)

    Locator: Page 2, unsigned piece headed FOR THE REPUBLICAN, against division

    Relevant passage
    Nor do I m[e]an to prove the correctness of his quotations from the speeches of that statesman, or diminish their force by repeating the taunts of poverty thrown out against the inhabitants of this district by their wealthy brethren a[]long the Shenandoah.

    Checked: Existing OCR reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: winchester-virginia-republican. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    Contemporary report

    Evidence role: supports. Battletown county as the prospective county's name in contemporary print.

    Winchester Virginia Republican, Winchester, Va., 29 March 1834, page 2

    Winchester Virginia Republican · 1834-03-29 (publication)

    Locator: Page 2, piece signed OLD FREDERICK, against division

    Relevant passage
    Lop off Battletown county and she must have one of our three delegates - lop off Front[]royal and then goes another

    Checked: Existing OCR reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: winchester-virginia-republican. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    Contemporary report

    Evidence role: supports. Cohee as a pen name, used without explanation.

    Winchester Virginia Republican, Winchester, Va., 29 March 1834, page 2

    Winchester Virginia Republican · 1834-03-29 (publication)

    Locator: Page 2, on a writer in the rival Virginian

    Relevant passage
    an incendiary production, which appeared in the last Virginian, over the signature of 'Cohee.'

    Checked: Existing OCR reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: winchester-virginia-republican. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    AI-assisted source check · 2026-09-12. How this project checks its sources

  • An account exists✓ Supported by a source

    Hofstra reads the county's separation as the outcome of a divergence laid down with the earliest settlement of the Valley, writing that it was "not simply an increase in population or just the proximity of the courthouse" that prompted the petition. That is an interpretation reaching past the practical arguments the 1834 sources record, and the chapter in which he makes it was not among the pages available to this project.

    See the evidence
    ✓ Supported by a sourceAn account exists

    Hofstra reads the county's separation as the outcome of a divergence laid down with the earliest settlement of the Valley, writing that it was "not simply an increase in population or just the proximity of the courthouse" that prompted the petition. That is an interpretation reaching past the practical arguments the 1834 sources record, and the chapter in which he makes it was not among the pages available to this project.

    What the source supports

    That the causal reading the local literature repeats is Hofstra's own, and that the pages held here state it rather than argue it.

    Uncertainty

    Qualified because this is a claim about an interpretation the project has only seen stated. Hofstra states it on pages 1, 2, 4 and 12, each time pointing forward to a chapter that was not supplied, so what he cites for it is unknown here. His "not simply" and "not just" say those practical considerations are insufficient on their own; they do not deny them, and nothing here establishes that his reading and the 1834 arguments are incompatible. The 1834 writers argued courthouse distance, roads, floods, representation, precedent, taxes and poor relief, which is the ground his account reaches past rather than a rebuttal of it.

    Source

    Later historical account

    Evidence role: supports. Hofstra's first paragraph, which denies the sufficiency of the explanation the 1834 participants themselves gave.

    Warren R. Hofstra, A Separate Place: The Formation of Clarke County, Virginia (Madison House, 1999; originally published 1986), pages 1-17

    Warren R. Hofstra · 1999 (publication)

    Locator: Page 1, opening paragraph on why Clarke sought its own county

    Relevant passage
    It was not simply an increase in population or just the proximity of the courthouse that prompted the people of Clarke to petition the Virginia legislature for their own county.

    Checked: Page text reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: hofstra-separate-place. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    Contemporary report

    Evidence role: contextualizes. The practical arguments the 1834 advocates actually made. Recorded as context rather than as a complication: they are the ground Hofstra's reading reaches past, and nothing establishes that his account and theirs are incompatible. The earlier "complicates" encoded an opposition the evidence does not support.

    Winchester Virginia Republican, Winchester, Va., 29 March 1834, page 2

    Winchester Virginia Republican · 1834-03-29 (publication)

    Locator: Page 2, unsigned piece headed FOR THE REPUBLICAN, against division

    Relevant passage
    Nor do I m[e]an to prove the correctness of his quotations from the speeches of that statesman, or diminish their force by repeating the taunts of poverty thrown out against the inhabitants of this district by their wealthy brethren a[]long the Shenandoah.

    Checked: Existing OCR reviewed. Original image not independently inspected.

    Open source

    Source family: winchester-virginia-republican. Multiple passages from one source are not independent witnesses.

    AI-assisted source check · 2026-09-12. How this project checks its sources

Each statement above is assessed on its own evidence. Nothing here is averaged, scored or voted on, and a well-attributed account can be documented while what it describes stays unconfirmed.

Closing notes
What to take awayA charter that could not say where two rivers began produced two land offices with opposite terms, and under the proprietary's terms the land east of the Opequon stayed largely unsettled. When it filled, it filled with quarters, and a century later the men in that half of the county asked for a county of their own.

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Why Battletown?

The name the 1834 writers used for the county they were proposing.